What the criticism of François Hollande on Emmanuel Macron reveals (of embarrassing) about himself



Atlantico: In an interview with Europe 1, François Hollande said about the resignation of Nicolas Hulot, saying: "If he thought he could not afford to continue his action and thwart influence of lobby, especially in the area that belongs to him, he was right ", and thus again criticized the government's action. As the real difference in personality can be argued that Dutchism is not fundamentally different from Macronism in terms of political orientations, how to understand this criticism?

Jean Petaux: Every week, not to mention every day, we notice that thanks to his "tour" "Dedications and gondola head (of bookshelves) …" that François Hollande has almost no opportunity, varied with operational modes, in different areas relevant to national or international news, to express themselves.

This word is also just as badly felt by the Elysee (there is some) that is the direction of the PS (there is something too, but for other reasons of course). Even if François Hollande does not systematically and directly address Emmanuel Macron or Olivier Faure, the interpretation given to his remarks, the concept (more or less by the translators of the "current Holland") always brings the word of the former president. from the republic to a more or less hidden criticism of his successors (the current tenant of the Elysée and the still tenant of the rue de Solferino) What will not surprise us if we pay attention to the words François Hollande, for those who are reported, is that he often repeats the same mantra (still yesterday in Cherbourg in the presence of his last (and, to a large extent, better) prime minister: "I have the I remain just interested in the fate of the French, in the events of the world, in political life. "In his book is more subtle, as he goes a long way back in all his five years (from where the title" The Lessons of Power ") he devotes the final chapters to an ana lyse he wants prospectively of what it is that today's social democracy and what it (might) be to renovate itself and adapt to the 21st century. It is undoubtedly on this side that one must try to look for the hidden meaning of F. Holland's criticism regarding his successor E. Macron and his political "line". The degraded personal relationship, the resentment that one and the other from now on feels to each other, are just as many triggers of the critics, they are not the deep causes. The Netherlands clearly equates Macron with betrayal, cunning, dissimulation … Macron, for his part, probably did not revise the judgment and appreciation he forgave François Hollande when he was his boss at the time. Elysee than the one who presided over the councils of ministers he attended: procrastineur; indecisive; preoccupied with the details of the form and not through the content, prefer a good word for a courageous decision and always worried about the opinion of journalists about its action …

Basically, however, the Dutch critics of Macron, in the spirit of the first, but also in the second, try to recognize the idea that there are two different cosmogonies and in particular two different ways to transform. these two representations of the world. Reality shows that this desire for differentiation is not just a purely political and symbolic construct. It exists on both sides and is not without concrete consistency. But this difference is more about psychological behavior or characteristics than about ideological fractions.

How do you read the five-year period of François Hollande by the criticism that the former president expressed on Emmanuel Macron? These are not the revelations of the own inconsistencies of the quinquence of Francois Hollande?

What has seriously undermined François Hollande's five-year period is not his wait-and-see attitude, and his lack of reform is his inability to reduce the contradictions that manifested himself very quickly in his own camp. In this respect, the president elected in 2012 had to decide much earlier and the & # 39; Frondeurs & # 39; (the so-called holders of the pieces of the & # 39; true socialist cross & # 39;) must set their responsibilities: & # 39; My policy is legitimate, approved by a majority of the French you join or you leave the ranks of the parliamentary majority. "In a way, we might consider that when François Hollande today criticizes Emmanuel Macron, he is secretly jealous of the discipline and loyalty of the LREM faction that emerged from the parliamentary elections of June 2017. He had this opportunity is not Political (more precisely: it did not know how to make it look) It even failed to monitor (and control) the nomination of PS candidates for the parliamentary elections of June 2, 1212. "Inheriting" and so many small time bombs duly initiated by his comrade Martine Aubry.

There is a second element that emerges from the more bitter than gentle exchanges between the Netherlands and her younger brother. The former boss of the PS for over 10 years, who in 1987 invented the "Transcourants" in a PS that was still torn between 1981 and 1995 by the violent and harsh conflict between Mitterrand and Rocard at the Congress of Metz in 1979 François Hollande more delorist than Mitterrandist, hates conflicts. Without doing basic political psychology, he hated them from his earliest childhood when he quarreled his brother (who died today) with his father, becoming more and more cruel. The quinquennate of Holland was characterized by this property. So, during the debate about the law of Taubira that allows marriage for everyone, to "purify" what he thought was a mitella of mayors who was hostile to the bill, Francois Hollande suggested playing a kind of clause to allow them not to perform gay marriages if that act was contrary to their beliefs. Bronca general associations that defend the homosexual cause. François Hollande, who is worried about not opposing the French to others, has not neglected to withdraw one of the few political advantages on the left from a law that he managed to maintain despite opposition. the street of the conservative right. In this case, as is often the case in the Netherlands, it was neither a lack of conformity nor a lack of courage (he showed it, without any error, for the "go" in Serval and during the attacks of 2005-2016 ), which was then unveiled, this quasi-panic was the idea of ​​permanently training one side of the French against the other. This is clear how much the Netherlands, intrinsically, is the heir of the radical socialism of Henri Queuille and Jacques Chirac, both politicians of Corrèze …




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