"Anne Will" to Chemnitz: "We have fallen into the trap of the judge"

And again, on the state radio, the blockbusters of the system come together and tell the problem, while Anne bravely reads the text that Angela Merkel personally dictated to her.

That is about the way cabaret performer Serdar Somuncu (& # 39; Mein Kampf & # 39;) describes, even the most public debate in some circles is exactly what matters. All too relaxing, that the conversations with "Anne Will" would otherwise not speak for completely nailed. But only for the lost.

But in the first place, Michael Kretschmer, CDU Prime Minister of Saxony, must be confronted with a very thorough cross-examination. He calls the use of his police on Monday & # 39; Criticism & # 39; and means the situation that they managed to master heroically – 591 forces against 7500 indignant forces. He should not have done that. & # 39; Why did you not call extra strength? & # 39; Anne wants to know. Olaf Sundermeyer, legal expert and journalist, complains about "official failure".

Kretschmer switches to the offensive. He thinks it's "outrageous" that two people make their judgments that would not know the situation: "They talk about things you do not even know, I think we should leave the matter at this point." But Sundermeyer does not want that. The Saxon police have "problems with dealing with representatives of the media, I have not experienced this anywhere else!"

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Chronology of the riots

At one point, Wolfgang Thierse, SPD, feels sorry for the smoothing of the waves: "It is not bad to say that the first two days did not go well." And Petra Köpping, Saxon SPD secretary of state for gender equality, joins her boss and certifies Kretschmer "a changed approach in Saxony".

Köpping is also the one who argues for the East German demand: "Integrate us once!" has made and gives the evening its turn. What about the lost, whose guarantees does it have an alliance of right-wing extremists, hooligans, Pegida and AFD apart? How would they be restored?

With an open dialogue such as the "Talk of Saxony" maybe or other local forums. Certainly not with punk concerts, as Somuncu notes: & # 39; Then Udo Lindenberg & # 39; Nazis out again! & # 39; in the microphone and we think we have solved the structural problem. "

Because the problem is structural. Somuncu remembers Mölln and Solingen and the NSU, Thierse an Rostock and Cottbus: "There were no refugees." Right-wing extremism and racism have always existed, according to Thierse: "Because democracy is slow in nature, it constantly generates impatience," which would then be further fueled by the AfD. The arrival must be at home, but the foreigners their country is not strange.

This can be achieved by talking to people about pensions, rent, training places, care and the consequences of globalization. So that's what people really care about. Kretschmer argues that even "multiple and intensive offenders" would be very interesting for people who are exposed to their actions. The policy must be more consistent "in unpleasant things", in repatriation, rejection, deportation.

Somuncu sees this as similar and wants to occupy the fields of law, albeit with more liberal politics. With her "We can do it!" Merkel almost passed the parliament. For a while there was "one common sense"Welcome culture is now in vogue." But if people come "who do not have good intentions", then it is up to politicians to tackle this problem: "We also have to think about our own mistakes!"

Video report from Chemnitz: a quiet journey – only moderately peaceful

Thierse is visibly uncomfortable: "We have just fallen into the trap that the right-handers have brought us in. We are constantly talking about refugees, as if that were the problem!" In a "deeper layer", Thierse not only explains in the East German losers of the bend a "inequality of certainties in Germany".

Things do not stay as they never were, but are subject to rapid changes. That is why there are "fears of disappointment" that have many causes, that is questions about pensions, rents, training places, care and the consequences of globalization.

According to Thierse, these revolutions now have consequences for people "who have lived their lives, especially in the East, in a completely different society, which was not completely open at the time:" The stranger is not only close to the refugees. "But digitization, neoliberalism and globalization can not be put on the other side of the street, the stranger is already" tangible ".

With which the incredible hunting scenes of Chemnitz can be explained, but not to excuse.

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