DThe Greens just do a lot of things right. According to recent polls, they are just behind the SPD in the Bund. In Bavaria, where on 14 October was chosen, the party can currently hope to take second place with 16 percent behind the CSU. While the Social Democrats are despairing themselves, CDU and CSU still lick the wounds of their recent confrontation and the FDP calls in vain for attention, the Greens seem to fly everything this summer. The political company is not self-purifying, they present it as a great pleasure. Her subjects are serious enough, despite the good mood not to come as a fun party. The Greens are already on their way to the People's Party, as a successor to the SPD could appeal to the entire electorate to the left of the center. Some opinion polls say that the party has a voter potential of more than 30 percent.
Robert Habeck and Annalena Baerbock, the new party leadership, embody a new beginning: young, well informed, and sympathetic. Both have a talent to put themselves in the spotlight. If Habeck hand in a Bundeswehr helicopter, which is always worth a message. Or if Baerbock bites in a non-vegan hot dog. "Glück & pledge" is the name of her summer tour, which also led to the castle Hambach and the Teuteburg Forest. Their game with national symbols, until recently still hostile images of the Greens, has exactly the right amount of media that is well marketed. All other politicians who travel through the country look pretty old-fashioned.
It is not just tones and rhetoric. The new leadership cut a few old braids from the start: the dogma of separation of function and mandate, a holy cow for decades, was abruptly suspended for Habeck to become president. Where the top positions were always awarded in accordance with the price of wings, two reals can suddenly have a majority – which of course give wings. The new leaders want to take the party out of the comfort zone of eternal truths, get rid of the image of the party of stubborn do-it-yourself. And so the party takes topics about issues that hurt green souls: genetic manipulation, world trade, homeland. For the Greens these are not small things.
In the joy mixed with a pinch of suspicion
And yet the phenomenon is not completely unknown. Strong leaders could get out of the Greens much earlier. In 1994, Joschka Fischer conducted the personal election campaign that was entirely focused on him. Shortly after the Petra Kelly and Gert Bastian wanted to stick to the rotation principle shortly after the departure of the Greens in the Bundestag, it was abolished shortly thereafter. Because the Greens make a clear claim to the government, the management staff is programmatically more mobile than the officers and the base.
At the lower levels of the party, the vision of political success is ambivalent. The jubilation is always mixed with a medium-sized snuff of suspicion. This also has to do with the green prime minister Kretschmann, who practically leads a People's Party in Baden-Württemberg. Those who compromise are quickly suspected of betraying their ideals. This is still a reminiscence from the time of the fundamental opposition.
The old Greens felt in their element when the middle finger was shown to them. Five points for the liter of petrol – so you brought the class enemy reliably in anger. Meanwhile, there are also green sympathizers among SUV riders – even if it is to calm the bad conscience. Many a green person from the very first dream back into the extra-parliamentary opposition, where one could discuss the pure doctrine in the K-groups. Almost five years ago, the Greens were still reluctant to reign in union with the Union. They were ready last year.
Eliminate unpleasant questions
The moral claim meets the limitations of reality. Responsibility instead of dreams. Kretschmann once said: "I am not a non-governmental organization, I run a country." For example, the Prime Minister resisted resistance in his own party to classify Balkan states as deporting safe countries of origin and refugees to Afghanistan. The Greens in the federal government were able to meet the unpleasant questions in the refugee crisis – so far. The developed bourgeoisie is less troubled by the fact that an unaccompanied minor refugee costs the state a few thousand euros per month. Hartz IV receivers see it differently.
A People's Party must cast a wide range of votes for political elites and also promises colors in issues that are not on the minority agenda and lead to hard distribution conflicts. The Greens will release the painful internal party processes. They have to pay this price if they want to continue their journey from the ecological niche party to the People's Party.