A few days before the "technical steps" return to remind us that the memoranda may have ended but not the same as the "guard", Alexis Tsipras and SYRIZA are trying to find a "left profile" again in their search for a provide a more favorable basis for elections already begun before the elections.
Rewrite the history of the memoranda
This concerns first of all the way in which the & # 39; story & # 39; government has been built up in recent years.
According to this "story", the former governments that undermined the possibility that SYRIZA can easily lead the country to "exit" are responsible for the social catastrophe that the memoranda brought.
The Tsipra government in 2015 not only did not surrender, but assumed responsibility for society and was not afraid to "dirty their hands" nor to "go into the corner". On the contrary, according to Mr. Tsipras:
"The left in this country has never been absent from the great historical moments and the calling of the people and the great fight It was not discouraged by the correlation He did not expect these mature circumstances to ripen She did not escape her theoretical It was not kept out of history, but he always wrote it in the present time. "
Searching for a "social person"
As the government's first attempt to get the & # 39; left profile & # 39; from the government to restore the history rewrites, so capitulation with lenders is presented as taking responsibility from the left, the second attempt is about the social face & # 39; from the government.
Here the emphasis is on measures related to employees, such as raising the minimum wage, abolishing the minimum wage (ie the lower wage for employees under the age of 25), restoring the possibility of extending collective bargaining agreements, discussing of the suspension the reduction of pensions, as well as the promises for tax reduction, although the latter will be used equally and small and medium-sized entrepreneurs. The promise here is to address the issue of citizens' debts to the public.
The new "dividing lines"
The third attempt concerns the general political tone. Here comes the element of polarization before the elections and effort to convince that there is a political, ideological and value difference between SYRIZA and the other parties.
Here is also the defense of the foreign policy of the government. Both the Macedonian agreement and the liberation of the two Greek soldiers were presented by the prime minister as indications of an "active, multidimensional, peaceful foreign policy," while the opposition was accused of "nationalistic delusions and arguments of Golden Dawn."
This is due to the attempt to present ND as a party that not only took notes but also embraced it, "for the current leadership, the note was ultimately a blessing, as it was originally characterized." It was the best opportunity to literally get the most implement extreme anti-social policies that have been applied in the country for 40 years. "
Moreover, in the same tone the ND executives are accused of "hatred, division and fear".
In this context, the voice of SYRIZA is presented as an attempt to prevent the restoration of the old party system: "In order to stabilize the great political change and to leave the political forces and the political staff of bankruptcy in the past, political forces, but also the political staff of corruption and moral degeneration, so let this expression, an extreme right and neoliberal hybrid, in which the party, the party of the New Democracy, has now been transformed, under Mitsotakis, not to be restored. "
SYRIZA & # 39; s configuration for the elections
It is clear that the effort of the government and Alexis Tsipras to carry out the struggle "starting with the ideas and actions of the left" summed up a series of goals:
First of all, it tries to bring together a party mechanism that has been able to defend pensions, austerity and extensive privatizations in recent years, in an attempt to convince him that he defended the "honor of the left".
Then he tries to make new polarizations for the elections. By using the rhetorical part of the ND that refers to an & # 39; old cut & # 39; anticommunism, the government is actually trying to tie a part of the electorate to the left or to the broader & # 39; progressive line & # 39; in a re-enactment of SYRIZA, even with me the criterion of "less evil".
Finally, he tries to take advantage of the formal "end of the memoranda" as a sign of "restarting" the political debate and on that basis confirming the role of "progressive ending" in the new "memorialist bi-communism".
How SYRIZA sees the electorate
This is also based on an appreciation of the characteristics of the electorate. SYRIZA is of the opinion that ND has reached a limit for the re-use of its potential, and this appears from the opinion polls that there is a clear lacquer, but there is also a "ceiling" for electoral resonance.
Furthermore, SYRIZA believes that the potential that has been restored for the "memo parties" is not a potential that it can claim. That is why he does not want to approach or convince it.
The potential for SYRIZA is the large gray area of its former electorate, the & # 39; undecided & # 39; but also the more & # 39; slavish & # 39; layers of society that are not attracted, for example proposals on "entrepreneurship".
In SYRIZA they estimate that they can play through targeted measures or a new "polarizing story" and succeed in restoring a significant part of their electoral influence.
A "story" that clashes with reality
However, this effort will not be that simple. In the first place, measures announced by the government for employees, which were indeed included in the memoranda and defined the expiry date for some "emergency measures", can not compensate for the cumulative losses of employees over the years, the consequences of unemployment, the tax increase that comes.
Nor is there much room for "leftist politics" when an unprecedented wave of privatization has been launched and when the lenders have cut back decades because of high primary surpluses.
In part, SYRIZA can take advantage of this reluctance to reluctantly reject any promise of "bidding", but it is difficult to claim a "social person" based on its policy to date.
At the same time, three years of application of the memorandum can prove difficult to prove the discernment of Alexis Tsipras when it is clear that SYRIZA has just applied the same policy.
SYRIZA will also have to respond to that section and its own audience that has serious questions and is often angry at the tragic shortcomings of the state mechanism in dealing with the recent devastating fires.
A huge tragedy creates a burden of political responsibility that the government can not easily abandon.
Consequently, SYRIZA's attempt to form a "leftist" narrative will go through several strict processes, a society and an electoral public that is characterized by more than ever distrust.