How did Ricardo Belmont win the mayor border of Lima in 1989? What were the merits of it? Here a preview of the book The outsider, the origin of the adventurers in Peruvian politics (Planeta, 2018), an investigation by journalist Umberto Jara.
The origin determines
That wide popularity, achieved through Panamericana television ignited the malicious doom of a character that would be the key to the future destiny of the Colorado. The most influential shareholder of the television station was Genaro Delgado Parker, a character possessed by a mercantilist spirit at the expense of everything and stripped of any idea that was no different than gaining benefits for oneself.
Genaro wore such a strong sign that it looked like a brand made with a hot iron: the loss of your channel, in 1971, snatched away by the General Military Junta Juan Velasco Alvarado. That experience convinced him forever that there was a power superior to money, and that power was the supremacy of the power of the one who governs. Even transient and exercised by a democrat or a dictator, the political poweras he practiced, he could make decisive and serious decisions; therefore Genaro was convinced that proximity to political power was fundamental in all its forms: the President of the Republic in the first place, and behind it the full scale: ministers, congressmen, mayors, soldiers and priests. With this conviction, he focused his activity as an entrepreneur on television to gain the benefits of power by paying back or exchanging "favors" based on the informative management of his programs & # 39; s.
By observing the dimension of fame of Ricardo BelmontGenaro invented a rascality: what if he, instead of negotiating with those in power, invented his own politician to make it an authority? If Belmont achieved high marks, it would not be better to rating in votes? Quickly as it was, he had a private investigation that confirmed the idea that came from his deceptive mind. Indeed, people reacted to the question of whether Ricardo Belmont Cassinelli would work for mayor of Lima, by giving the talkative television conductor a more superior support than the rest of the politicians who were preparing for the electoral dispute with the local authorities. To reach Lima. Genaro Delgado Parker had discovered that a man without any preparation for a public office, devoid of all knowledge of public administration, totally unaware of minimal concepts of how to govern the capital of a country, had given the public confidence for the simple fact that he is famous, talkative and compadrero.
Enthusiastically, he called Belmont to show him the results and to take him into the competition. The Colorado refused his disappointment. He honestly answered that he had no preparation for a political match. Genaro, to convince him, used indirect methods. He managed to publish a report in the newspaper Express and a cover in the weekly Caretas, media that influenced in 1981. On that page it was announced as the appearance of a phenomenon. Belmont did not take the bait and maintained his refusal. Lima eventually opted for the candidate from the left, the Cajamarquino lawyer Alfonso Barrantes Lingán.
At the end of that year, Belmont resigned from Panamericana Televisión. He left and said he was going to work to reach the return of his own channel, channel 11. He was determined to get the permit back in the air for the fleeting and modest television channel that his father had set up. He began procedures that stagnated shortly after the start of the bureaucracy wall. In the midst of these efforts he again received a proposal from América Televisión to carry out a program of five consecutive hours that would be called Saturdays with Belmont. It was a barbarity of time, because another is the measure for the minutes in the television profession. For those who work as a television producer, fifteen minutes of screen is equivalent to an ordinary hour; Five hours already begin to show a certain resemblance to eternity. But the Colorado had already shown the characteristic that would characterize him during his life: he could talk for hours without having to leave a concept or analysis; He was a specialist in volatile discourse, an artist in the light trade of throwing words to the wind. He agreed to fill the five hours in the afternoons of every Saturday of 1984.
He made a condition: that America's executives commit themselves to help the government obtain the permit to relieve the channel 11 signal. Those who listened to him thought it was a stubbornness that did not stop, a dream without a basis, because even when they gave him a license, he did not have the heavy money needed to start a television station. There was another reason, however. Belmont had understood the real dimension of the proposal that Genaro Delgado Parker had done to him. He had not refused to be a candidate for humility or, as he had said at the time, because he "did not have the necessary preparation" to take on a public function. That was not the reason for a man who always dared to do everything he did not know.
Belmont knew the meaning of political power amply, had suffered in his own pocket. Had the military not exercised political power that had decreed the demise of his family? So, if the poll that Genaro had shown him revealed his wide potential of election success, then that was one of those he did not want to hand over to Panamericana Televisión's man to become the doll that would have to balance to the rhythm of the displaced wires. by the businessman cazurro. What do I need? A television channel If the only characteristic is that he is famous, people have authorized and supported him to be mayor of the capital of Peru, he had to have the source for himself of the power of fame: a television channel. If he went to politics, he would have to do it by having a television station for himself in order not to be dependent on the broadcasters who provide the screen according to their interests. His reasoning was valid if he actually succeeded in having a channel with enough audience. Could you reach an important audience? Belmont was convinced that this was possible. His logic worked in this way: it was enough to have a screen available because, with its popularity, it would drag people away. This is how they who are suffering from "television fame syndrome" tend to think. They usually believe that they are and nothing else. Then they discover that in their vast majority they are entities that are linked to a logo, to a brand they depend on. But the essence of that meeting, between Ricardo Belmont Cassinelli and Genaro Delgado Parker with the research commissioned by it, can be summarized in this way: it was a fatal moment because the entrepreneur of Panamericana Televisión had discovered that a man without a job, who unprepared, unaware of all political training and without basic concepts to exercise as an authority, he could only defeat political organizations with the art of being famous, friendly and talkative.
This finding was perfectly understood by Ricardo Belmont. And I was willing to put it into practice. In February 1983 the germ of a phenomenon was born that specialists would later call the phenomenon of the outsider – the non-political character that breaks into the scene and succeeds in gaining power, whether it counts or does not have the capacity to express itself. practice as an authority. A phenomenon that, since 1989, categorically devastating and destructive political parties would be installed as a storm that would culminate in the demolition of the fragile institutionalism of the country and would install the horrible informality with tenacity.
Belmont was the origin, the mold. Immediately after Alberto Fujimori would appear. And then the avalanche, whatever the last name was – Toledo, Humala, Acuña, Guzmán – or whoever the character was, until hundreds of strangers arrived who would become candidates; The truth is that the presidency, the mayors and the regional governments become booties for individuals who are provided with biographies similar to Belmont: absence of preparation, different professions, no part of politics, boundless daring and a great desire for access to the power not to build a better country, but to build their own well-being. Everyone offers a false virtue: we are independent, we are change, we are foreign to politics. But behind the cliché that is useful for an electorate that has fulfilled the promises and thefts of politicians, these outsiders pursued the same as their predecessors, they had the same perverse ambition with a different face: power as plunder to forge their own wealth, to the heritage that his absent talent could not build, the miserable ambition to accumulate wealth without the dignity of effort. Belmont was the beginning, the founder of the avalanche that would destroy the country in the coming decades.
But in 1984 there was still a route waiting to be built by the maker, by the original source, through the mold from which the outsiders would come: Ricardo Belmont Cassinelli. The Colorado. The Hermanón